Moody’s keeps France at Aa3, but its reprieve hinges on the streets

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Moody’s has held France at Aa3 with a negative outlook. The reprieve rests on three assumptions, two of which are beyond the government’s control: the level of interest rates and social calm. The protest calendar, from the ‘acte II’ rally on October 24 to the general strike on November 5, points the other way.

๐Ÿ”‘ Key takeaways

  • Moody’s keeps France at Aa3 with a negative outlook, although some economists had expected a cut to A1.
  • The agency conditions its view on three assumptions: a 2027 budget that cuts the deficit, moderating financing costs and easing social tensions.
  • The public deficit reached 5.4% of GDP in 2026, against a European ceiling of 3%. Debt is seen at 121.7% of GDP in 2027.
  • The 10-year OAT yield has passed 5%, a level not seen since 2002, while the protest calendar stays dense through early November.

A rating saved by one sentence

The decision came on Friday, October 23, after US markets had closed. The agency kept France’s sovereign rating at Aa3, the fourth notch on its high-quality scale, and left the outlook negative. Many economists had expected a downgrade to A1, which would have aligned Moody’s with Standard & Poor’s and Fitch, both at A+ with a stable outlook since autumn 2025. France remains below Germany and the Netherlands, both rated Aaa, but above Spain and Portugal, both at A3.

The core of the decision sits in one line of the statement, which spells out the conditions for keeping the rating:

“The Aa3 rating assumes that a 2027 budget reducing the deficit will be adopted, while financing costs and social tensions moderate somewhat over the coming months.”

Moody’s Ratings, statement of October 23, 2026

Three conditions, then, but only one is fully in the executive’s hands: adopting a 2027 budget that reduces the deficit. The other two depend on factors Paris does not control, namely interest rates and the social climate. Moody’s justifies the negative outlook by political fragmentation, warning of “the increased risk that the fragmentation of the French political landscape continues to hinder the functioning of legislative institutions”. It adds that it could return to a stable outlook if institutions manage to reduce the deficit.

A trajectory with no margin for error

The figures behind Moody’s assumption do not describe a country tidying up its accounts. France has not balanced its budget since 1974. The Finance Ministry said in late September that public debt would reach 121.7% of GDP in 2027. The agency itself, in its late-2024 rating action, had already projected around 120% of GDP in 2027, starting from 113.3% in 2024.

IndicatorValueReference
Public deficit 20265.4% of GDPGovernment 2027 target: 5%
2027 deficit used by Moody’s5.2% of GDPAbove the government target
European ceiling3% of GDPNot respected for decades
Public debt 2027121.7% of GDP113.3% in 2024
10-year OAT yieldabove 5%German Bund: around 3.4%

The assumption of a 2027 budget that trims the deficit is all the more demanding because the deficit remains far above the 3% ceiling, while the government targets 5% the following year. Moody’s itself projects a 5.2% deficit in 2027, above that target.

Debt service follows the same slope. Interest charges reach 80 billion euros this year and 91 billion in 2027, and should exceed 120 billion by 2030. One factor temporarily cushions the blow: the average maturity of the debt, close to 8.5 years, spreads the impact of refinancing. Markets, however, are not patient. The 10-year OAT yield has crossed 5%, a level not seen since 2002, while the Bund stays near 3.4%. The spread against German bonds has reached its widest since November 2011.

Growth remains close to zero, estimated at 0.3% in 2026 and 0.6% in 2027, offering no budgetary cushion. The 2027 budget looks contested. The opposition removed several savings measures from the version presented to the National Assembly, and the use of Article 49.3 to pass it without a vote is not ruled out.

The streets are not calming down

Moody’s bet rests on two distinct assumptions: a budget that passes and social tensions that fade. The second is the more fragile.

On Saturday, October 17, the rally against the rising cost of living drew between 550,000 and 800,000 people across France, according to the Interior Ministry for the lower estimate and organisers for the upper one. Around 110,000 people marched in Paris and 110 rallies took place nationwide. The movement, launched a month earlier by high-school and university students, was joined by unions, climate activists, an anti-racist coalition and former yellow-vest protesters. The CGT alone claimed more than 500,000 participants by the end of the day.

The toll was violent: the Limoges town hall was set on fire, the Lyon tourist office and the Bordeaux prefect’s residence were damaged, about forty shops were looted in Marseille, and 1,200 people were arrested nationwide. “Localised” curfews were imposed in Paris, Nice and Lille, and in the Presqu’ile district of Lyon from October 19 at 9 p.m. According to the IFRAP think tank, the cost of the violence on October 17 and 18 approaches one billion euros. Emmanuel Macron urged the country to “stand united against the purveyors of chaos”.

The calendar does not stop there. On Saturday, October 24, the yellow vests call an ‘acte II’ across several cities, with two declared routes in Paris, Bastille-Opera for the yellow-vest coordination and Bastille-Nation for the CGT. A further date is already set for October 31. On November 5, the intersyndicale of CFDT, CGT, FO, Unsa and FSU calls for a major strike and a day of protests over wages, public services, employment and industry. CGT leader Sophie Binet responded to criticism about the damage:

“We had a historic day of protest with 800,000 activists, and what is shocking is that all anyone talks about is the damage.”

Sophie Binet, General Secretary of the CGT

One clarification matters: the movement does not belong to the left alone. The November 5 intersyndicale brings together the CGT, CFDT, FO, Unsa and FSU. Student organisations and the anti-racist coalition have weighed heavily since October 17, the yellow vests carry the October 24 ‘acte II’, and the mobilisation broadly includes climate, public-service and security concerns. The left is strongly present on the streets, and it is indeed the social front that Moody’s identifies as the central risk. But it does not control the calendar, which plays out precisely in the window the agency set as the condition for its leniency.

The bet on calm, point by point

Taking Moody’s three assumptions in turn, in light of what is known today.

The 2027 budget

The assumption looks weak. The bill has been battered by the opposition, the 49.3 procedure remains an option, and the presidential election in spring 2027 gives no leader an incentive for quick concessions. Adoption in the coming weeks would require a political turnaround that nothing currently allows to be forecast.

Financing costs

This is the most fragile assumption, and it is already being tested. Moody’s itself noted that French yields rising faster than the global average risk bringing forward the point at which the snowball effect weighs on debt service. The Cour des comptes estimates the sensitivity of a 50 basis point rise across the whole curve:

HorizonExtra debt cost
First year1.5 billion euros
Third year5.6 billion euros
Fifth year9.2 billion euros
Tenth year16 billion euros

A full one-point shock, twice as large, would weigh correspondingly more. Meanwhile, the yield gap with Germany, at its widest in fifteen years, keeps widening.

Social tensions

The calendar contradicts this assumption. The agency expects tensions to ease “somewhat over the coming months”, yet the next three weeks are the densest of the movement: the ‘acte II’ on October 24, a new day on October 31 and a general strike on November 5. Moody’s has therefore tied its rating to the calming of a movement whose peak has already been announced.

Herein lies the paradox. The agency chose not to downgrade in order to buy time, and that logic holds in the short run: a cut in the middle of a social crisis and before the budget vote would have tightened yields and spreads just when the country most needs calm. But bought time has a price in credibility, and the reprieve expires in the very window when the streets are mobilised. The negative outlook is a graduated warning, whose second step would be an effective downgrade to A1, an alignment that would not require Standard & Poor’s or Fitch to move.

The cost is already visible. The CAC 40 has lost 4.5% in a month, and more than 2,000 companies were reportedly affected directly, with retail, hotels, tourism, transport and logistics the most exposed. Prices rose 3.1% year on year in September, including 21.3% for energy and 44.1% for diesel. Against this backdrop, some savers are diversifying into foreign equities or Bitcoin, a flight to safe-haven assets already noted on cryptoinfo.ch on October 20.


Conclusion: a rating awaiting its test

Until France has an enforceable 2027 budget and the streets calm down, Moody’s has not decided anything: it has suspended its judgment. The Aa3 rating is less an assessment of French public finances than an option on political calm. Three scenarios stand out. In the first, the budget passes, yields stabilise and the outlook returns to stable. In the second, the budget is adopted under heavy contestation, the rating holds but debt keeps drifting higher. In the third, the social crisis deepens, the budget fails and a downgrade to A1 becomes likely.

November 5 will show whether this option has credibility. Markets will be passing their own verdict in the meantime, through the OAT yield and the spread against the Bund.

Sources

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Telemac
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